Dec
23
2010
0

Three contrasting views of Ernst Haeckel (as held by Professors Weikart, Richards, and Gasman)

The ideas of a long dead German Darwinist might seem to be of no interest to anyone outside academic circles, but interpretations of Ernst Haeckel (1834-1919) are significant in today’s culture wars. The important question is: “Did Darwinism contribute in some way to National Socialist ideology?” Since Haeckel was pre-WWI Germany’s most well-known Darwinist, this leads to two derivative questions: “To what extent did Haeckel’s ideas contribute to the emergence of National Socialism?” and “Were his ideas compatible with Darwinism, or a grotesque perversion of it?” 

Haeckel was a committed secularist. He despised religion and thought only scientific knowledge had  any value. He not only saw Darwinism as the correct explanation of the origin and development of life on earth, he evangelized for it. Many of his statements asserting the factual truth of Darwinism and attacking religion as false and opposed to science are identical in content and in spirit to those uttered by present-day champions of those same ideas. 

Unfortunately, Haeckel’s pursuit of disinterested and objective scientific truth was combined with a belief in German racial superiority. He saw blacks as inherently inferior, and imagined that the superior northern Europeans had through evolutionary struggle attained to the top of the evolutionary pyramid. 

Haeckel also advocated militarism and imperialism. He upgraded the evolutionary concept of survival of the fittest to the level of nations and of races. Thus, if one nation defeated a weaker one and seized its territory, this was only an illustration of the basic law that was the foundation of our earthly existence. If a stronger and superior race – in this case the white Europeans – subjugated weaker and inferior races, this was only natural, an example of evolution in action. 

Racism, imperialism, Aryan supremacy, militarism, political authoritarianism (democracy after all does not agree with the rule of the stronger that is the basis of existence in the evolutionary scenario) – Haeckel had some very important ideas in common with Hitler. The many parallels between the thought of the two men led Prof. Daniel Gasman to argue that Haeckel personally contributed greatly to the development of National Socialism [1]. 

His case is documented with ample evidence from Haeckel’s own writings, and has met with a significant amount of support. Yet, it has met with objections from different angles. Prof. Richard Weikart in his book From Darwin to Hitler agrees that some of Hitler’s words or writings sound as if they could have been taken directly from Haeckel, and sees a connection, but differs significantly from Gasman on two points. First, he points out that many people in Germany at that time held similar views, and asserts that Gasman oversimplifies the Hitler-Haeckel connection [2].

Secondly, Weikart disagrees with Gasman on the extent to which Haeckel’s beliefs were consistent with scientific Darwinism as Darwin himself taught it. Gasman stresses the many profound differences between Haeckel and Darwin and separates the two, claiming that Haeckel represented not Darwinism, but a German distortion of it. Weikart recognizes the existence of obvious differences between Darwin and his German admirers (of whom Haeckel was the most prominent), yet states that the Darwinian view of life as a purposeless and amoral struggle in which the death of the unfit was essential to progress did contribute significantly, in spite of differences and along with other factors, to the development of National Socialism in Germany. 

Prof. Robert Richards, a biographer and defender of Haeckel, objects to Gasman’s thesis because he (Richards) sees Haeckel as a legitimate Darwinist, and hence equates attempts to link Haeckel to Hitler as attacks on Darwin himself. His response is to defend Haeckel by asserting he was not a progenitor of National Socialism [3]. To do this, he focuses on two areas: (1) Haeckel’s lack of anti-Semitism (so he was different from Hitler), and (2) Nazi criticisms of Haeckel (so he could not have contributed to National Socialism). 

I think Richards’ defense of Haeckel is very weak. For one thing, in his debate with Gasman Richards does not (from what I have seen) deny Haeckel’s militarism, imperialism, and racism – not surprisingly, given Haeckel’s loud sermonizing on these subjects. Concerning anti-Semitism,  Gasman’s response is to me far more compelling than Richards’. Gasman presents statements in Haeckel’s own words showing him to have had in fact a negative view of Jews as a whole. Richard’s assertions that Haeckel (a) had nothing to do with traditional religious anti-Semitism and (b) had Jewish friends, are both easily answered. Modern secular racial anti-Semitism (such as that of Kant, Fichte, and many others including Haeckel) did not depend on religion. In fact, it was often involved with hostility to religion, seeing Judaism as false and Christianity as a Jewish invention. Secondly, some secular anti-Semites did believe that the Jews as a “race” had to go, but that some exceptional individuals could transcend their Jewish origins.

As to the rejection of Haeckel by some Nazis, Gasman points out that the Nazis were by no means in perfect harmony and disagreed on various aspects of their theory. Hitler himself could tolerate no contradiction and condemned those who only partly agreed with him. Gasman makes the telling observation that Stalin’s rejection of Trotsky can not be used to show that Trotsky had nothing to do with the development of Russian Communism. 

So, was Haeckel a legitimate Darwinist who had no connection to Hitler (Roberts); a pseudo-philosopher who was not a legitimate Darwinist but did have a connection to Hitler (Gasman); or someone different from Darwin to be sure, but still definitely linked to Darwin, who may not have influenced Hitler as an individual but was representative of a strong trend in German thought that facilitated the emergence of National Socialism (Weikart)? 

First of all, I don’t think Darwin should be removed from the debate as Roberts and Gasman try to do. If evolution is in fact the truth about how we got here, then isn’t it logical to base a world view and an ethic of pitiless and amoral struggle on it? Weikart amply documents that the underlying concept of Darwinism itself, apart from significant German cultural additions, contributed significantly, along with many other factors, to the establishment of a world view in which National Socialism could flourish. 

Defenders of Darwin have claimed that the idea of breeding animals to improve them was nothing new – but viewing people as animals to be improved by higher breeding was new. Can people be blamed for trying to improve the human species just as they would cows or horses, if Darwinism is true? This would require reproduction without love, on the basis of utility alone – but what does place does love have in a strictly evolutionary scenario? Can Darwin be completely exempted if people took his theory and used it in ways he did not himself intend? 

Darwin presented a new view of life in which people were essentially animals trapped in an impersonal  struggle in which the death of the weak and the unfit was essential to progress. This did encourage ideas that greatly facilitated the emergence and the acceptance of National Socialism. 

It should be stressed that certain essential ingredients of National Socialism were in circulation long before Darwin. Kant’s “philosophical” anti-Semitism that described the Jews as soulless people incapable of higher ideas; Schopenhauer’s view of people as animals struggling blindly in an impersonal universe and of the supremacy of will over intellect; Hegel’s ideas of the state, of war, and of great leaders; Fichte’s emphasis on the nation as the source of meaning in life; glorification of war; imperialism; hostility to democracy – these and other ideas were deeply embedded in German culture long before the publication of The Origin of Species. 

It would be foolish to blame Naziism on Darwinism alone – but it would be equally foolish to imagine that the concept of people as animals fighting for survival in an impersonal universe is not a dangerous and destructive one. It can easily be used, and was used in Germany, to make racism, imperialism, militarism, and authoritarianism seem not merely acceptable, but scientific and progressive as well.


[1]   Daniel Gasman, The Scientific Origins of  National Socialism (New Brunswick USA / London 2004). Due to space limitations, I am presenting the ideas of Gasman, as well as those of Weikart and of Roberts, in rudimentary form.

[2]   Richard Weikart, From Darwin to Hitler: Evolutionary Ethics, Eugenics, and Racism in Germany (New York 2004).

[3]   Robert J.Richards, “Ernst Haeckel’s Alleged Anti-Semitism and Contributions to Nazi Biology”;  http://home.uchicago.edu/~rjr6/articles/Haeckel–antiSemitism.pdf; accessed June 2008.

Dec
10
2010
0

Weimar, USA?

 Walter Laqueur’s Weimar: A Cultural History (New York 1980) reveals parallels (and of course differences) between that period and our own. It was not Laqueur’s purpose to compare Germany in 1919-1933 with the America of today, and I have lifted quotes out of context – nevertheless, I think they are relevant. Subtitles in bold are my own, not Laqueur’s.

A vanished world

“Germany before 1914 exuded confidence and optimism to a remarkable degree … [and] had known a sense of security such as subsequent generations were never even remotely to experience” [1-2]. 

“…a fairly strong democratic tradition in Germany … had grown progressively weaker [4] … the German spirit was poisoned almost beyond recovery …” [45]. 

Naïve and simple-minded conservatives

“…they lacked the necessary toughness and inspiration … and thought that patient work, a rational policy, free of any pathos and demagogic slogans, would sooner or later bear fruit. They could not have been more mistaken. Theirs was an admirable approach for quieter times and for mature people who, whatever the internal conflicts, basically accepted the democratic ground rules” [11-12]. 

“Such sensible advice was unfortunately quite out of touch with the mood of an activist younger generation … theirs was an unthinking, aimless radicalism … The common denominator was contempt for the ‘system’ [14] … rational arguments could make no headway” [81].

 “…they knew in their bones that something was radically wrong. They knew that forces were at work to destroy time-honoured beliefs and traditions. Modernism … was the antithesis to all that had made Germany great in the past … sickness of the soul … loss of equilibrium …” [84-85].

 “… the defenders of the new state lacked conviction and fighting spirit; they were always willing to compromise.” [189].

 “… they were utterly bewildered by the onslaught of a movement which was quite unlike anything they had ever known …” [262].

 “… the chaos and impotence of bourgeois society at the end of its tether” [204].

The forces of decay

“The universities were one of the main strongholds of the anti-democratic forces during the Weimar era … The Nazis emerged as the strongest party in the universities well before they did so in the country at large … The radicalization of university life …” [17-18].

 “Many of the old taboos had disappeared; there was much greater openness to new ideas” [26].

 “Just as they hated the new state [the Weimar Republic], so they loathed its culture … everything could be put down to the guilt of society, everything was rotten, everything had to change … Such masochism was not without its dangers, for it undermined society and made it difficult to defend the Republic against the calumnies of determined and unscrupulous enemies … The pessimism of the left-wing intelligentsia was only natural; it saw its vocation, by definition, in opposing the status quo … some spokesmen of the extreme left attacked the Republic and all it stood for as something that was rotten through and through and not worth defending” [36-37].

 “… forever pressing utopian demands divorced from reality … ” [48].

 “The Nazis had a far more astute grasp of the realities of power …”[88].

 “… much more cunning and far less scrupulous …” [30].

 “… the contempt with which these young ideologists dismissed the heritage of freedom and liberty, and their naïve belief in the omnipotence of the state to ‘save the country’ … suffered from strange delusions … ” [106].

 “They rejected the ‘Western ideas’ of the eighteenth and nineteenth centuries, ‘arid intellectualism’, liberalism, parliamentary democracy” … the great break with cultural tradition occurred …” [109-110].

 “The intelligentsia alone could study reality objectively; it alone could see the truth, the total social reality … Marxism as a movement of the intelligentsia rather than the working class …” [201] … “The cultural activities of the Communist Party were dominated (with one notable exception) by intellectuals of bourgeois background” [51].

 “… the desperate onslaught against the old world and its political, social, and artistic conventions” [144].

 “After the end of the First World War Berlin became the entertainment capital of Europe” [225].

 “The behavior of many judges was simply outrageous … extremists of the right could, quite literally, get away with murder, whereas those of the left had to face the full severity of the law … a judiciary meting out blatantly biased political justice …” [13, 45].

 Economic and political problems culminating in crisis

“German heavy industry … found itself severely weakened in comparison with its competitors in world markets” [19].

“… even the experts were at a loss as to how to cope with its [economic] problems … the currency situation was handled with almost incredible ineptitude” [21].

 “… the conviction that Germany was badly governed, that the established political parties and parliament were incompetent, that new men and ideas were needed to cope with the crisis” [255].

 Loss of national character and unity

“…the two sides [right and left] were no longer speaking the same language … There was not the slightest willingness to take each other’s point of view seriously, let alone compromise … The left, insofar as it was at all aware that there were intellectuals outside its own camp, regarded their outpourings as mere gibberish on which no sensible man would waste much time. For was it not a well known fact that an intellectual, by definition, had to be a man of the left? … The gulf was unbridgeable …” [41-42, 44].

 “…men devoid of scruples rose to influence, power and wealth …” [82].

“… a growing sense of rapidly approaching doom, of finis Germaniae … The vision of impending catastrophe … the general climate of uncertainty and fear which was rapidly spreading … ” [35, 260].

 “…a general cultural decline … it laid waste heart and soul …” [36].

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